-06_Documents in the Life of Sri Aurobindo

BENGAL PROVINCIAL	NATIONALIST DRAFT
CONFERENCE	RESOLUTIONS.

Hugly—1909.

Draft Resolutions.

I. That this Conference places on	I. That this Conference places on
record its profound feelings of regret	record its sorrow at the death of Lord
and sorrow at the death of Lord Ripon	Ripon who was an earnest and sincere
who has justly been called the father	sympathiser with Indian aspirations
of local self-government in India and	and did much for the cause of local
whose policy of justice and righteous-	self-government.
ness will for ever enshrine his memory
in the hearts of the people of this
country. This Conference also urges
that immediate steps should be taken
to perpetuate his memory.
II. (a) That this Conference is of	II. (a) As in the Committee's draft.
opinion that the system of Government	(b) That this Conference emphatical-
obtaining in the self-governing British	ly condemns the principle of separate
Colonies should be extended to India.	electorates on sectarian lines and of
(b) That while expressing its grate-	special privileges for one community
fulness to the Government for the	which it is intended to introduce into
concessions made in the recent Reform	the Reform Scheme and is farther of the
Scheme, this Conference records its	opinion that no reform will be ac-
firm conviction that no reform will	ceptable to the country which does not
ensure the happiness and contentment	concede to the people a direct and
of the people unless it gives them a	substantial control over finance and
direct control over the finances of	legislation.
the country.	The rest to be omitted.
(c) That this Conference is further
of opinion that any undue favour in the
matter of representation in the Councils
which may be shown to any particular
community cannot fail to encourage
sectarianism in the different communi-
ties and to create dissensions and poli-
tical troubles amongst them.

(d) That this Conference also urges
the Government to publish the rules
framed in accordance with Lord Mor-
ley's Scheme before they are finally
adopted.
III. (a) That this Conference de-	III. As in the Committee's draft
clines to accept the Partition of Bengal	but clause (b) to be omitted.
as a settled fact or question and resolves
to continue the agitation against it with
a view to its reversal or modification.
(b) That in this connection this
Conference appeals to the Government
of India to act in the spirit of His Ma-
jesty's assurance in his recent message
that the rectification of errors has ever
been one of the guiding principles of
British Government in India.
IV. That this Conference urges the	IV. That this Conference accords
people to continue the Boycott of	its fullest support to the Boycott move-
foreign goods which is, in its opinion, a	ment and recommends its farther ex-
perfectly legitimate movement and is	tension both as a political weapon and
calculated to promote the political as	as a measure of economic protection.
well as industrial and economic welfare	N.B. This is the Pabna resolution.
of the country.
V. That this Conference urges upon	V. As in the Reception committee's
the country the necessity of using	draft.
Swadeshi articles in preference to for-
eign, even at a sacrifice, and developing
the resources of the country.
VI. That this Conference places	VI. That this Conference looks with
on record its emphatic and unqualified	strong disapproval on all methods of
condemnation of the detestable out-	violence and holds that the furtherance
rages and deeds of violence which have	of the national movement should be
been recently committed and is of opi-	effected by peaceful and legitimate
nion that such acts will retard the	means, and it warns the authorities
progress of the country.	that the policy of repression stimulates
	terrorist activity and the best way to
	paralyse it is to restore normal condi-
	tions.
VII. (a) That this Conference records	VII That this Conference empha-
its emphatic protest against the repres-	tically condemns the repressive mea-
sive measures adopted by the Govern-	sures adopted by the Government and
ment and especially against the deporta-	especially the deportation of nine Ben-
tion of nine Bengali gentlemen without	gali gentlemen without trial or charge
trial or charge and further protests	and considers their immediate release
against the persistent refusal of the	and the repeal of the Bengal Regula-
Government to furnish any inform-	tion III of 1818 as the only way to

ation regarding the charges against	assuage the profound discontent cre-
them and to give them an opportunity	ated by these measures.
of exculpating themselves. This Con-
ference considers the immediate release
of the deportees as absolutely necessary
in the interests of justice and fair-play.
(b) That having regard to the grave
risk of injustice involved in Govern-
ment action based upon exparte and
untested informations and to the penal
laws of the country, this Conference
urges upon the Government the repeal
of the Bengal Regulation III of 1818.
VIII. That having regard to the pre-	VIII. That inasmuch as the Govern-
valence of Cholera, Malaria and Small-	ment has failed hitherto to redeem its
pox in the province throughout the year	pledges with regard to the application
and the abnormal death rate as dis-	of the Road Cess for the purposes
closed in the last Sanitary Report of	originally intended and has not ful-
Bengal, this Conference urges the Gov-	filled its duties with regard to the im-
ernment as well as the people to adopt	provement of sanitation in rural areas,
amongest others the following meas-	the Conference demands the fulfilment
ures:—	of this duty and the organisation of
(l)The sinking of wells and the excav-	adequate measures for the provision of
ation and reservation of tanks in the	good drinking water, medical aid and
villages for purely drinking purposes.	proper drainage of the country.
(2) The draining of the rural areas.	N.B. This is the Pabna resolution
(3) The clearing of jungle in the	with some verbal modifications.
inhabited areas of towns and villages.
(4) The prevention of noxious dis-
charges from septic tanks into the River
Hugli which form the principal cause of
Cholera in the riparian towns and
villages on both banks of the said river.
IX. That this Conference recom-	IX. That this Conference is of opinion
mends —	that local self-governing bodies in-
(a) That all local self-governing	cluding Panchayets and Village Union
bodies and Panchayets should, without	Committees should be entirely elected
further delay, be vested with powers	on the principle of popular represen-
to elect their own Chairman.	tation and freed from official control
(b) That the principle of represen-	and that Village Union committees
tation should be extended to village	should be vested with powers and
Union Committees and Panchayets.	provided with the necessary funds to
(c) That the Union Committees	carry on sanitary improvements.
should be vested with powers to initiate
and carry on measures for the sanitary
improvement of the areas within their
jurisdiction and that grants of money

should be made to them for that pur-
pose.
X. (a) That this Conference urges the	X. That in the opinion of this
Government to take immediate action	Conference steps should be taken for
on their circular on free primary edu-	promoting a system of education liter-
cation issued about three years ago	ary, technical and scientific suited to
and invites their attention to the fact	the requirements of the country on
that the grant in aid of technical and	national lines and under national con-
scientific education are not at all com-	trol and maintaining national schools
mensurate with the needs of the	throughout the country. Clause (a) is
country.	omitted.
(b) That in view of the recent edu-
cational policy of the Government
which has practically closed the doors
of the University against many students
of the province and the necessity of
organising a system of literary, scienti-
fic, technical and industrial education
suited to the requirements of the coun-
try, this Conference urges the people
to take steps to establish educational
institutions throughout the country
on national lines and under national
control.
XI. (a) That, while recording its	XI. That this Conference is of opin-
satisfaction at the recognition by the	ion that the separation of judicial
Government of India of the principle	from executive functions, which has
of separation of Judicial from Exec-	been recognised in principle, should be
utive functions, this Conference re-	forthwith put into effect and all judi-
grets that effect has not yet been given	cial officers placed under the direct
to it.	control and supervision of the High
(b) That this Conference is of opin-	Court and that provision should be
ion that the only effective method of	made in the scheme for the District
reforming the Police is to separate the	and Sessions Judges being appointed
Judicial from the Executive functions	in future from the ranks of the legal
and that no scheme for such separation	profession in this country.
will be successful unless all the Judicial
Officers are placed under the direct
control and supervision of the High
Court.
(c) That this Conference is further of
opinion that for the better administra-
tion of Civil and Criminal justice in the
country, the District and Sessions
Judges should be recruited from among	-
the ranks of the legal profession.
XII. That this Conference enters a	XII. As in the Committee's draft

strong protest against the Calcutta	except that in place of "enters a strong
Police Bill which is an uncalled for	protest against" should be put "strong-
measure of an absolutely retrograde	ly condemns".
character and which will restrict the
freedom of action of the people in
Calcutta and will subject them to
unscrupulous harassments.
XIII. (a) That in view of the large	XIII. Omit clause (a), otherwise as
surplus under the head of Stamp	in the Committee's draft.
Revenue and the growing poverty of
the people, this Conference urges upon
the Government the necessity of reduc-
ing the Court fees levied for the insti-
tution of suits and complaints.
(b) That having regard to the ruinous
expenses of litigation in Courts of law,
this Conference is of opinion that arbi-
tration Courts should be established
throughout the country.
XIV. That with a view to mitigate	XIV. As in the Committee's draft.
the hardship arising from chronic high
prices of food stuffs, this Conference
urges on the District Associations the
necessity of establishing Co-operative
Banks and Stores with Dharamagolas
throughout the country.
XV. That in view of the ravages of	XV. That in view of the ravages of
wild animals and the frequent dacoities	wild animals and frequent dacoities in
in the towns and villages, this Con-	the towns and villages against which
ference appeals to the Government to	there is no adequate protection, this
repeal the Arms Act.	Conference is of opinion that the Arms
	Act should be repealed or radically
	modified.
XVI. That this Conference views	XVI. As in the Committee's draft.
with apprehension the decrease in the
normal growth of the Bengali Hindu
population and hereby appoints a Com-
mittee consisting of the following gen-
tlemen to ascertain the causes which
have led to this state of things and to
suggest what steps should be taken to
prevent it.
XVII. That this Conference, while	XVII. As in the Committee's draft,
sympathising with the Indian residents	except that after "firm attitude" should
of South Africa in their struggle for	be inserted "and heroic sufferings".
equal rights and privileges with the
White population and admiring their

firm attitude, places on record its deep
sense of indignation at the gross wrongs
inflicted on them and suggests] the
adoption of Boycott of Colonial and
British goods by other Provinces of
India by way of protest and retaliation.
XVIII. That having regard to the	XVIII. As in the Committee's draft,
gradual diminution of commons or	except that the words "the Govern-
pasture land for cattle, this Conference	ment and" should be omitted.
urges the Government and the people
specially the land-holding classes to
adopt measures for the protection and
preservation of cows and oxen.
XIX. That this Conference is of	XIX. Omit
opinion that the Government grants of
money for drainage and irrigation
purposes in Bengal which is essentially
an agricultural Province are lamentably
inadequate for its needs and urges the
Government to take the following steps
at an early date:—
1. The dredging of the Bhagirathi.
2. The immediate adoption of the
measures recommended by Mr. Horn
and other expert engineers for the pre-
vention of the annual floods in the
Arambagh Sub-division by the overflow
water of the Begua Breach.
3. The draining of the Kadua Math
in the Amta basin in the District of
Howrah.
XX. That in the present situation of	XX. That this Conference considers
the country united action being highly	an United Congress imperatively neces-
desirable, this Conference earnestly	sary in the interests of the country and
appeals to the leaders to bring about a	believes that the best way to bring
compromise between the two wings of	about union is to hold a session elected
the Indian Nationalist party and to	as in all Congresses up to 1906, to
arrange for holding a United Congress.	which any future arrangements for the
	procedure of the Congress shall be
	submitted.
	(b) That in this view it appoints the
	following Committee to confer on
	behalf of the province with the or-
	ganisers of the meeting at Lahore and
	with other provincial leaders for the
	holding of such a sessions [sic] and it
	farther empowers the Committee in

	case of necessity to propose and arrange
	for this session being held in Calcutta in
	co-operation with all who are desirous
	of union.
XXI. That with a view to inaugurate	XXI. As in the Committee's draft,
a vigorous system of self-help and	omitting only the words "and volun-
voluntary work for the redress of their	tary work for the redress of their
grievances, this Conference urges the	grievances."
people to organise village Committees,	Additional Resolutions.
Sub-Divisional Associations and Dis-	1. That this Conference is of opinion
trict Associations.	that two of the most necessary and
	important classes of enterprise from
	the point of view of our commercial
	development are (1) Swadeshi Banks
	and (2) Steam Navigation Companies
	to control the waterways of Bengal,
	and urges on the country the necessity
	of initiating and supporting such enter-
	prises, and it expresses its appreciation
	of the efforts of those who have al-
	ready undertaken work of this kind.
	2. That the Conference is of opinion
-	that physical training be encouraged
	by all means to infuse greater manli-
	ness in the younger generation and
	make them capable of self-protection
	and self-defence.

Karmayogin, Vol. I, No. 11 (4 September 1909), pp. 5-8.

The Bengal Provincial Conference that met on the 5th and 6th instant has been fruitful of greater and far-reaching results than any of its predecessors. The inner workings of this organization are to be told first, then the outward manifestations, which are, however, exhaustively described in the columns of the daily newspapers.

Babu Arabindo Ghosh, as I told you in one of my previous reports, was organising

an opposition to the moderate party. He succeeded in making his opposition party so compact and so well organized that the moderate leaders got frightened at the probable prospect of their being defeated and placed in the minority at the deliberations of the Conference. On Friday the 3rd September last a secret meeting of the moderate leaders was held at the Bengali Office in the room of the editor, Babu Surendra Nath Banerji. There were present at this secret conclave, Babus Bhupendra Nath Bose, Prithvis Chandra Rai, Satya Nanda Bose, Pramathanath Banerji, Ramanand Chaterji, Pandit Gispati Kabyatirtha, Moulvi Dedar Bux and a few others. Babu Surendranath Banerji was the presiding genius and the deliberations were carried on with closed doors. I was allowed admittance and I managed to stay on till the last. It was decided that if Arabindo gets the majority at the Subjects Committee, all the moderates under the leadership of Surendranath would leave the Conference premises and wash their hands clean of the affair. Both Babus Bhupen-dranath and Surendranath were against such drastic measures. They wanted to temporise and enter into a concordat with Arabindo and his party. They were given by those present a free hand in the matter. Then came the question of the boycott. Babu Surendranath Banerji distinctly said that it was the only effective weapon that we have against the Government. He said: — "Put any other name if you please, but the boycott, pure and simple, should be pushed on so long as the Partition endures; and, if necessary, it should be kept on for any length of time." At this Babu Bhupendranath suggested that the word Swadeshi would very well serve our purpose; it would denote industrial developments and connote boycott per se. This was agreed to and the meeting dissolved after arranging to send as many moderate delegates as possible to Chinsurah.

Babu Arabindo is a greater organiser, because, as I told you in one of my previous reports, that the English educated community of the two Bengals are at heart extremists — yea anarchists potentially and substantively, and those who have a stake in the country and have something to lose, if they go counter to the wishes of Government, do very cleverly hide their extremism under a thin veneer of moderate ideas. This fact is known to all the people in Bengal and this helped Arabindo in getting up his party so quickly. The fact is Babu Surendranath is quickly going down in the estimation of his countrymen. He is like the five headed God Janus always looking to the victorious side. Besides, truth has a greater hold on the imagination of the common people than the polished lies of a silver-tongued orator. Arabindo speaks out the truth and Surendranath hides it and calls it diplomacy — paying the devil (Government) its dues. However both met at Hooghly and Arabindo gave his mind out that the Surat affair would be re-enacted if the moderates get the upper hand. At the meeting of the Subjects Committee held at Chinsurah on Sunday the 5th September night it became very apparent to the moderates that the extremists, though not in actual majority, were pushing up rapidly and some of the extremist speakers were adepts at obstruction. All through the fateful night of Sunday the moderates talked and quarrelled and there were defections from the party. At last Kumar Rajendranath Mukherji came to the relief of the moderates. He became the go-between of the parties and managed to bring Arabindo and Surendranath together. Babu Surendranath confessed that he was an extremist at heart and "all persons who know what is what are all extremists". But extremism is not a paying concern now. He exhorted Arabindo to come over to his party or subscribe to the

creed and demand Swaraj within Colonial limits. He said these Shibboleths are being used only to hide their common purpose and that the game of the bomb and revolver is now a played out game. "Let the moderates and the extremists work under the standard of the so-called Constitutionalism and let each party work in its own way quietly and in a covert way and we will steer clear of all shoals and sand banks."

After this Kumar Rajendranath said that unless and until the extremist party gets into a make-believe concordat with the moderates, persons like him would not be able to substantially help the extremist cause. Babus Bhupendranath Bose and Ambica Charan Mazumdar also supported the plea of the Kumar and promised substantial help to the extremist party. Babu Arabindo Ghosh saw through the whole game and gave his assent to the false commingling of the two parties. On the morrow, Monday morning, another meeting of the Subjects Committee was held, Babu Surendranath Banerji delivered an impassioned speech. People smiled at his histrionicisms and young and old, Babus Baikunta Nath Sen and Benode Behari Mitter, all assented to the fusion of the parties and the business smoothly passed off without any let or hindrance. Babu Baikunta Nath went so far as to allow Arabindo to explain his theory of boycott and passive resistance, at the general meeting of the conference.

As a matter of fact, as I reiterated in many of my previous reports, in Bengal there are no moderates; we are all extremists, but moderates by necessity. If the truth is to be told, Babu Surendranath is a political mountebank, a Bengali Kossuth rolled up in the varogueries [sic] of a Talleyrand. He always bids for popularity and sails before the wind. He believes that if Arabindo Ghosh be allowed to remain too long out of the jail enclosures, he (Arabindo) would take the shine out of him (Surendranath). Besides he has correctly gauged public opinion in Bengal and sees it drifting on to Arabindo's side. Hence the concordat, hence the mingling of the two parties. I forgot to tell you, when in England Surendranath saw Babu Bipin Chandra Pal times without number, dined with him, lived with him and knew all Bipin's secrets. And on coming back from England he was closeted with Arabindo for hours together on three occasions.

As for Arabindo he has won all along the line. He will now be able quietly to gather as much money as he wants, will he able to control the deliberations of the Congress and Conferences and be safe beyond the clutches of the law. I was explaining to Kabiraj Upendranath Sen who interrupted me by saying "What can Surendra do? He must bow down to the inevitable." Before the Calcutta Congress over which Dadabhai Naoroji presided, there were no extremists and no moderates. And after the Hooghly Conference, so far as Bengal is concerned there will be no more extremists and moderates, and perhaps a new force will get up to disturb the public peace.

I am glad that at last the Police have been able to put their hands on the actual plague spots in Calcutta. Ahiritola, Bechu Chatterjee Street, Nimtola Ghat, Baugba-zar, Shyambazar and Harrison Road East are the places where the anarchists congregate most. I happened to meet some of the boys arrested for the Faridpur dacoity, when they were being carried through Coolootola Street. Two of them I recognised as belonging to the Sanatan party or the worshippers of Kali, vowed to commit dacoities and under the leadership of Babu Krishna Kumar Mitter's son. Saroda

Charan Sen is again in Calcutta, and looks very busy. Perhaps he is after some new mischief.

Kumar Rajendranath Mukherji has been nominated President of the extremist party in place of Babu Subodh Chandra Mullick. He paid Rs. 800 towards the Hooghly Conference expenses. He has promised to double his monthly donations to the extremist fund now that the moderates and extremists belong to the same party. The Raja of Narajole has already paid Rs. 1,200 to Arabindo Ghosh, perhaps sometime yesterday.

I enclose a secret report recd. from the Govt. of India, Home Deptt., regarding the recent Bengal Provincial Conference at Hooghly, and should like to know whether the information possessed by the Special Branch in this connection corroborates the report, and generally what information you have on the inner workings of the Conference.

With reference to your strictly confidential letter dated the 9th October, in which you enclosed the report submitted to the Director of Criminal Intelligence by "'L' Calcutta 8-9-1909", which I return, herewith, I write to say that I have been trying hard during the last month to get some really authentic and credible information of what took place at the Subjects Committee of the Bengal Provincial Conference at Hooghly.

The officers whom I sent out to the Conference at the time did not find out much. It is of course perfectly true that Babu Arabindo Ghosh was organising opposition to the Moderate party. His first intention was to openly oppose them; and I believe at one time he, or at least the more daring of his followers contemplated breaking up the Conference if it refused to adopt the amended resolutions which the Extremist party published before the Conference in Arabindo's paper "Karmayogin".¹I do not think, however, that it can possibly be said that Arabindo came off Victorious at the Hooghly Conference. Whatever may have happened in the secrecy of the Subjects Committee, he kept his mouth shut in the public Conference most of the time; and when he did speak, it was only a very few words, practically admitting that he was unable to carry his resolutions against those proposed by the Moderates, though, as

he said himself, he and his followers had not been won over to the Moderate policy, but refrained from pressing their own views in order that there might be a united Congress.

The proposal to adopt the word "Swadeshi" instead of "boycott" was openly made in the Conference and rejected. "L", Calcutta, whoever he is, states that the English educated community of the two Bengals are at heart Extremists. Here I thoroughly agree with him as regards the majority.

Nirode Babu, the pleader who is employed in the Nangla dacoity case, tells me that he is practically boycotted by the Khulna Bar when he goes out there to conduct the case. This would hardly happen if the Bar, which is the most important part of the educated community in Bengal were not in sympathy with the revolutionary party whatever crimes it may commit in the name of "patriotism".

It is certainly true that at the Hooghly Provincial Conference the vast majority of those in the Pandal were in favor of Arabindo Ghosh, but this majority was largely made up of young men from Eastern Bengal. If we are to take the voice of the young men as expressing the opinion of the people generally, there can be little doubt that Surendra Nath Banerjea is not in it with Arabindo Ghosh. This is not, I think, the case with the older men, though Arabindo most certainly has strong adherents of all ages.

I had heard that Rajendra Nath Mukerji tried to settle the differences between Arabindo and Surendra Nath. I have never heard that Surendra Nath stated before the Subjects Committee that he was an Extremist at heart, though, personally, it does not at all surprise me to hear that he did say so. My information is that in the Subjects Committee there was a very hot discussion on the Swaraj resolution. The Extremists demanded a resolution of absolute swaraj free from all foreign control. Surendra Nath Banerji is said to have told the Extremists that he would prefer disagreement and disruption in the Conference to seeing a resolution of absolute Swaraj passed. The Extremists then drew aside and held a private conference among themselves, being rather surprised at the strong attitude of the Moderate leaders under Surendra Nath. They eventually agreed to the Moderate resolution being passed on condition that Arabindo was allowed to speak, and to state that their agreement to the Moderates' resolution was not to be constructed into an abandonment of their own individual ideas of absolute self-government.

I do not think that, considering the fact that Arabindo failed to alter any of the resolutions as he had previously proposed in "Karmayogin", it can be said that he routed Surendra Nath at the Hooghly Conference. As I said before, there is no question as to Arabindo being now the more popular man of the two, among the hot-headed young men, but I do not think that he has yet succeeded in winning the absolute confidence and admiration of the older generation. His eccentricities and extraordinarily imaginative talk, such as that in which he described his meeting with Basudev in the Alipore jail, sometimes bring him into ridicule.

"L" Calcutta, whoever he may be, however, seems to be in a position to obtain and furnish very useful information, and if he could tell us anything absolutely definite regarding the connection of Kristo Kumar Mitter's son with the dacoity band, or of the doings of Saroda Charan Sen, who is well-known to us and against whom we would be glad to hear of something definite, he would be doing us a good turn.

That Kumar Rajendra Nath Mukerji is one of the financial supporters of the Extremist party, we know perfectly well, and there is not the slightest doubt of this. I have not, however, heard of Narajole paying any large sums to Arabindo Ghosh, and I should like to know exactly how the money was paid, and any further particulars the informant may be in possession of.

For information. Await promised report. Meanwhile Director, Criminal Intelligence, may see.

There is every indication that if the boycott movement survives at all, it will be in the extreme form advocated by Arabinda Ghosh. Just as Mr. Parnell drove out Mr. Butt, so will Arabinda supersede Surendra Nath Banerji. In both cases the extremists' programme is the more logical and more attractive of enthusiasm.

The remarks of the Honourable Legal Member compel me to submit with all due respect the following observations.

it necessary to touch. I shall now refer to the salient points of the report and attempt to show that far from it being a "tissue of lies," the main fabric of his story is true enough and that the flaws which exist in the texture are easily discoverable and do very little to impair its strength and soundness.

L then describes the secret meeting in the Bengalee office. There is, of course, no evidence that this meeting was held, but it is obvious that in view of the opposition programme which appeared in the Karmayogin of the following day that Suren-dra Nath Banerji must have held a discussion with his adherents about that time as to the attitude to be adopted, and what is more likely than that Surendra Nath Banerji and Bhupendra Nath Bose were in favour of compromise and of coming to a working arrangement with Arabinda Ghosh as stated by L? It is obvious from the printed proceedings of the Conference that a working arrangement was arrived at. The more violent section of Arabinda Ghosh's adherents mustered in force at the Conference, and there can be no doubt that had he given the word the Conference would have been wrecked, but the word was not given in spite of Arabinda Ghosh's disapproval of the moderates' boycott resolution. Surendra Nath Banerji and Bhupendra Nath Bose are leaders of the so-called moderate party, and it can safely be assumed that they took a prominent part in making this hollow compact so much in accord with their notorious reputation for "hedging." Surendra Nath Banerji's advocacy of the boycott as being their only effective weapon against Government, to which L here refers, has appeared in published speeches on many occasions and there is nothing improbable in his having repeated his views at this meeting.

L next passes on to an expression of his opinion on the reasons for the weakness shown by the moderates in their attitude towards Arabinda Ghosh. This weakness he attributes to the sympathy which Bengalis generally feel for Arabinda Ghosh's views, and to the lack of character and straight-forwardness which mark the inferiority of his rivals. It is an obvious exaggeration of L's when he says that all educated Bengalis are at heart extremists — yea anarchists potentially and substantively, but this form of expression serves to emphasise an undeniable fact that sympathy with extremism is exceedingly widespread amongst the educated community in Bengal, and those who do not sympathise are, with a few honourable exceptions, amongst whom Surendra Nath Banerji and Bhupendra Nath Bose will not be found, too weak-kneed to co-operate with Government in checking its growth. Contrast the attitude of these so-called moderate leaders of Bengal with that of Mr. Gokhale or Sir Pherozeshah Mehta. The latter would not have sacrificed their honesty of purpose and self-respect by entering into an unholy compact with an Arabinda Ghosh — a compact which, if effective, could have only the one result of converting the Congress into an extremist institution and so strengthening the hands of the forces of disorder and violence. Fortunately the moderate leaders in the Punjab and Bombay, unlike those in Bengal, have not been found ready to prostitute their political creed, and in the Karmayogin of 25th September it is said in reference to the Lahore Congress "Bengal as a province will not attend though some individuals may overcome their feelings or scruples, Surendra Nath Banerji, Bhupendra

Nath Bose and the Chaudhuri brothers being unlikely to stay away. If ever there was any hope that the Lahore session of the Convention might be utilised for bringing about a united Congress, that has now disappeared." Thus Arabinda Ghose admits defeat in spite of the dishonest support which he received from those in Bengal who pose as disapproving of his views. It is true, of course, that it was the extremists who agreed to a modification of their own programme so as to arrive at a modus vivendi for the Hooghly Conference, but Arabinda Ghosh explained clearly in his speeches on the boycott that they meant in practice to adhere to their original programme, and this device had been adopted merely with a view to secure a united Congress. Arabindo Ghosh saw clearly enough that this meant an Extremist Congress.

L next describes what occurred at the meeting of the Subjects Committee on the night of 5th September. Here again there is no corroboration, but the description is quite in accord with the published results of this Conference, and the discussion as reported is just what one would have expected. To my mind there is nothing surprising in Surendra Nath Banerji who is all things unto all men posing as an extremist to Arabinda Ghosh and so attempting to weaken his opposition. As for Kumar Rajendra Nath alias Misri Babu, the assistance previously given by him to the party of violence came prominently under police notice, and it is natural for him to wish to act surreptitiously in future. There have been no indications that he has changed his political creed except in the direction of acting with greater caution.

Again in L's description of the 2nd Subjects Committee meeting, which occurred in the following day, there is nothing inherently improbable.

In L's summary which occurs on pages 8 and 9 he says nothing, I think, which can be rejected as baseless falsehoods. In classing all Bengalis as extremists and moderates only by necessity he no doubt exaggerates, but so long as Bengalis continue to show apathy in combating the extremist propaganda, they have only themselves to thank when this accusation is levelled against them. L's opinion of Surendra Nath Banerji's character and political views, whether correct or not, is an opinion very widely held and Surendra Nath has certainly done much to lend colour to it, notably on the recent occasion when he was preaching imperialism in England while his paper was advocating a pernicious and mischievous boycott in India. L.'s statement that he is jealous as well as afraid of Arabinda Ghosh cannot, I think, be challenged in view of what occurred at the Hooghly Conference.

Regarding Surendra Nath's association with B.C. Pal in England we do not altogether lack corroboration, for B.C. Pal attended the dinner given to Surendra Nath at the Westminster Palace Hotel on June 25th and both of them travelled to Manchester on 16th July and spoke at the same meeting. After the meeting they had tea together with four other Indians and two ladies at the Clarion Cafe in that city, and later in the evening attended a dinner and reception at the Grand Hotel, Aytoun Street. These two no doubt met on other occasions and Surendra Nath must have been aware that B.C. Pal was in close touch with the anarchist group in London.

In support of what L says regarding the fusion of the moderate and extremist parties in Bengal, representative members of both parties are now found appearing on the same platform. Thus' at a meeting in Beadon Square on October 2nd Surendra Nath Banerji and Ambica Charan Mazumdar appeared side by side with Gispati Rai Kabyatirtha and Ramananda Chatterji. It was apparently due to illness that

Arabindo Ghosh was not there also. Other instances since the Hooghly Conference could be cited.

L concludes his report by informing us that Misri Babu has succeeded Subodh Chunder Mullick as president of the extremist party, and that both he and the Raja of Narajole have contributed to its funds. I have already referred to Misri Babu, and there has been ample information during the last year which points to his active participation in the extremist movement. As for the Raja of Narajole, there is considerable information that from the time of his close association with Brahmabandhab Upadhyaya onwards he has given financial support to the extremist cause, and it is quite probable that he is continuing to do so.

L's report is an attempt to describe the latest political move in Bengal and to analyse the causes that led up to it. It is an interesting attempt and I can see nothing which points to it being other than an honest one. On the contrary, that the political move was made is self-evident and there is a great deal to support L's view of the causes which led up to it. A few somewhat extravagantly worded expressions do not, I submit, detract from its general value.

Honourable Member has seen, and does not think the note should be circulated or sent to the Honourable Mr. Sinha. It is not necessary, therefore, to seek the Viceroy's permission.

Seen and returned with thanks. The copies of the Karmayogin of 4th and 25th September 1909 have been removed.

Provincial Conference was held at Hooghly on fifth and sixth September. Proceedings were orderly. About 1,500 people from both Bengals, mostly young men, were present. Babu Baikuntha Nath Sen of Murshidabad, was elected President. One point in his speech received with noisy protest was proposal to drop the word boycott in reference to swadeshi movement. There was warm discussion regarding the number of delegates to be elected for Subjects Committee which sat on night

of fifth. Proceedings of this Committee are said to have been stormy. Surendra Nath Banerji and Arabinda Ghosh were both present and latter received warmest reception on sixth. Time was occupied in passing five resolutions. No violent speeches were made. Arabinda Ghosh only spoke briefly in reference to boycott resolution repeating his doctrine of no control, no co-operation and passive resistance with the law. He also called upon the trustees for account of the national fund opened on partition day, 1905. A slight disturbance occurred between some Europeans and delegates in train at Chandernagore on return journey. Full report with copies of resolutions and speeches will follow by post.

From — Sir Charles Allen, Kt., Offg. Chief Secretary to the Government of Bengal,

I am directed to submit, for the information of the Government of India, the following report regarding the proceedings of the Bengal Provincial Conference which was held at Hooghly on the 5th and 6th idem.

2. The Conference was opened at Chinsurah on the 5th September and was attended by about 1,500 people from both Bengals, mostly young men. Arabinda Ghosh attended as the elected delegate for Uttarpara and Diamond Harbour and for the students of Hooghly and Chinsurah and the senior students of Calcutta. Babu Surendra Nath Banarji was also present at the Conference, and among other well-known Calcutta men were Babu Bhupendra Nath Bose, Mr. J. Chaudhuri, and Lieutenant-Colonel Mukharji. Babu Surendra Nath Banerji and Arabinda Ghosh were each presented on arrival with a printed address by the students of Hooghly and Chinsurah, Arabinda Ghosh receiving the warmer welcome. The latter was escorted to Chinsurah by a body-guard of about 100 youths, and he entered the pandal garlanded and escorted by his guard.

3. The proceedings commenced with the singing of Bande Mataram, after which Babu Bepin Bihari Mitra, Chairman of the Reception Committee, read his speech which was moderate in tone and contained a condemnation of anarchists and law-breakers. One part of his speech in which he deprecated students taking part in politics was received with hooting and with demands that he should sit down. The deportations and the partition of Bengal were made the subjects of attack upon the Government. A copy of his speech is enclosed.

Babu Baikantha Nath Sen, of Murshidabad, was then elected President of the Conference. He delivered a moderate address, a copy of which is also forwarded. His speech included the usual attack upon the police, whose action in connection with the Bighati case was especially criticised. His proposal to drop the word 'boycott' in reference to the swadeshi movement was received with yells of opposition, and he was unable to proceed until Babu Surendra Nath Banerji intervened to restore order.

4. In the afternoon the question of the election of delegates to sit on the Subjects Committee was considered, and provoked a heated discussion. It was at first

proposed that of 15 delegates selected to represent Calcutta, 10 should be moderates. The nationalist party, under the command of Arabinda Ghosh, demanded that they should be adequately represented; they adopted a threatening attitude and refused to leave the pandal when the Chairman declared the discussion closed. Arabinda Ghosh eventually suggested, as a compromise, the appointment of six nationalists and nine moderates, and this was agreed to. The Subjects Committee assembled at 6 P.M.; the public were excluded, but it is understood that the meeting was stormy. The nationalists had prepared a set of amendments to the draft resolutions; and these were only overruled because the moderate leaders threatened to withdraw from the Conference, unless the nationalists desisted from pressing for an expression of their extreme views.

5. On the 6th the Conference re-assembled at 2 o'clock, and five resolutions were passed. A copy of the resolutions that were passed by the Conference is attached. Arabinda Ghosh spoke with reference to the resolution regarding the boycott. He reiterated his doctrine of no control, no co-operation. He declared that there could be no co-operation with the Government until the people had an effective share in the administration of the country, and until they were given some constitutional means by which they could bring the voice of the people and the weight of public opinion to bear upon the rulers. Referring to the boycott, he said that he was in favour of its continuance; but he did not think that it should be confined to a commercial boycott, but that other kinds of boycott should be adopted, as far as was rational and in the interests of the country. He concluded by expressing his adherence and that of his followers to their policy of boycott — as a boycott movement without any qualification, as a measure of policy for the country, as a political weapon and as a measure of economical protection. A copy of his speech is enclosed.

6. Towards the end of the proceedings Arabinda Ghosh put forward a demand for an account from the trustees of the National Fund which was started on the 15th October 1905. Babu Surendra Nath Banerji in reply moved that, in the opinion of the Conference, the money should be devoted to the erection of a Federation Hall. Arabinda Ghosh replied that, although the Conference had no power over the money, they had the power to bring the force of public opinion to bear on the question. He suggested that a Committee should be appointed to approach the trustees of the fund and to ascertain whether unity of feeling existed in the matter. Babu Surendra Nath Banerji eventually proposed that the President should be asked to approach the trustees and this was seconded by Arabinda Ghosh and carried. After some further discussions the resolutions were adopted and the Conference closed with a vote of thanks to the Chair.

7. Adequate police arrangements were made to maintain order and the proceedings passed off without any breach of the peace. All reports agree that Arabinda Ghosh had a strong numerical majority in the gathering inside the pandal; but he kept his forces in order and refrained from pressing his amendments to the resolutions for the sake of securing a united Congress.

8. An unfortunate incident occurred on the return journey, when some young Europeans, said to be assistants in merchantile firms, attempted under the influence of liquor to enter a reserved carriage occupied by the Maharaja Tagore. The Europeans appear to have been entirely in the wrong; but it is stated that apologies have been offered and accepted, and it is improbable that the matter will be carried further.

His Honour has expressed his regret to the Maharaja for the inconvenience to which he was subjected.

Mr. Daly says in his demi-official no. 6187-S.B., dated the 7th September 1909. "

The resolution was then carried, the President remarking: The boycott declaration is of a qualified and restrictive nature and not absolute. As to the boycott spoken of and mentioned by the last speaker, with regard to that I have simply to say "Impatient idealists wait and have patience" (laughter and cries of "Oh").

The declaration from the chair that the resolution was carried unanimously met with cries of "No", counter-cries of "order" being raised from the platform, and tumult following.

R.N.Roy (turning to those making cries of dissent): "It has not passed the Subjects Committee."

S.N. Banerji then called on the audience to repeat the vow which was done. The other resolutions were then proceeded with.

Arabinda Ghosh rose and said: "I have been allowed by the Chairman to put a question and I wish to put it without making any imputation at all against any one, and I believe we are all anxious to know what is being done, what has happened to this money. I am told it may be used for the building of the Federation Hall. (Cheers and shouts of Bande Mataram.) I should like to know what the people want and if this is what they want."

A. Chaudhuri said the money was intended to be devoted to the purpose of improving the weaving industry. Rupees 90,000 were raised in one day (a voice: "more than that"). Although they might be charged with hysterics in a matter of that sort, yet it was a great historic movement. After a hot discussion lasting for several days, the money was placed in the Bank of Bengal and there it remained.

A. Chaudhuri objected to any aspersion being cast on the auditor. There was a Committee which never met because there was nothing to meet for. He suggested a notice should be put in the papers of Bengal inviting an expression of opinion as to how the fund should be disposed of. He hoped they would help to get the money out and utilize it for national federation.

S. N. Banerji said he was prepared to use his influence to have the money devoted to the purpose of a Federation Hall (cheers). He moved that in the opinion of this Conference the National Fund which was raised on October 15th, 1905, and afterwards be devoted to the purposes of the Federation Hall.

Arabinda Ghose: "I should like to make one suggestion. Of course, as far as this local Conference goes, we have no power over this money. But we have the power to bring the force of public opinion to bear on the question. Therefore, if we pass this resolution, I would suggest we appoint two or three people as a committee to go to the Trustees and ascertain whether there is a unity of feeling on this matter."

S. N. Banerji suggested that the President be asked to approach the Trustees in this matter.

S. N. Banerji said they ought not to hold out any threat. At the same time they wanted to get the money. But whether they did so or not, October 16th was approaching and they ought to raise some further money for a Federation Hall (cheers).

After further discussion the resolutions and suggestions were understood to be adopted, and the Conference closed.

Government of India. Home Department. Political-B. November 1909. Nos. 103 and 104.